外文翻譯---中國老年人的宗教信仰和主觀幸福感（節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　3200單詞，1.8萬英文字符,6100漢字</p><p>　　出處：Brown P H, Tierney B. Religion and subjective well-being among the elderly in China[J]. The Journal of Socio-Economics, 2009, 38(2):310-319.</p><p>

2、　　Religion and subjective well-being among the elderly in China</p><p>　　PH Brown ， B Tierney</p><p>　　1. Introduction</p><p>　　Since Easterlin’s (1974) pioneering analysi

3、s of the interplay between aggregate economic growth and the average subjective well-being of a country’s citizens, economists have embraced subjective well-being as an important economic outcome and proxy for individual

4、 utility. One prominent line of research has shown that aggregate data on happiness may be used to inform macroeconomic policy. For example, Di Tella et al. (2001) use data from a dozen European countries to infer each c

5、ountry’s subjecti</p><p>　　At the disaggregated level, economists have long held that revealed preference more accurately represents true well-being than subjective states of mind, yet deducing changes in ha

6、ppiness from observed behavior is often dif?cult in practice. Although care must be taken in the use and interpretation of subjective data,Lelkes (2006) and Frey and Stutzer (2002a) note that measures of subjective well-

7、being are reliable measures of “experienced utility,” and the use of subjective data on well-being h</p><p>　　Because faith communities provide social support for their members and encourage hope in the face

8、 of vulnerability (Ellisonet al., 1989), because religiously-active individuals tend to rebound from divorce, unemployment, illness, and bereavement more quickly and more fully (Ellison, 1991), and because religion may f

9、oster higher expected utility in the afterlife (Azzi and</p><p>　　Ehrenberg, 1975), participation in religious activities may also in?uence subjective </p><p>　　well-being. The preponderance of

10、evidence is overwhelming. For example, Myers (2000) uses a survey of 35,000 American adults to show a monotonic positive relationship between the frequency of attendance at religious services and subjective well-being. G

11、ruber (2005) ?nds that the effect on</p><p>　　self-reported well-being of moving from never attending religious services to attending weekly is comparable to the effect of moving from the bottom income quart

12、ile to the top quartile. Swinyard et al. (2001) ?nd that religious participation is among the most deterministic predictors of subjective well-being in Singapore. Indeed,Witter et al. (1985) conduct a meta-analysis of 28

13、 previous studies to ?nd that religious belief and religious participation account for between 2% and 6% of the variati</p><p>　　In as much as religion serves as a “coping mechanism” for elderly people (Cox

14、and Hammonds, 1988) and because religious capital may accumulate across the lifetime (Iannoccone, 1990), religious participation is likely to be particularly important in subjective well-being among the aged. Again, the

15、empirical evidence over-whelmingly supports this conjecture. For example, Blazer and Palmore (1976) and Guy (1982) use longitudinal data to demonstrate that the importance of religion in self-reported w</p><p&

16、gt;　　While the majority of studies report positive relationships, at least two examples of religiosity negatively in?uencing subjective well-being have nevertheless been described. First, Gee and Veevers (1990) use data

17、for 6500 Canadians to demonstrate a positive correlation between religious involvement and satisfaction with life. Within the subpopulation of adult men in British Columbia, however, 48.7% of religiously “unaf?liated” su

18、rvey respondents report being “very satis?ed” with life, whereas </p><p>　　however, the frequency of church attendance negatively impacts marital satisfaction.Unfortunately, neither study controls for health

19、, demographics, lifestyle, and other correlates of well-being that may bias the estimates. Finally, as we describe below, religious participation and subjective well-being may be negatively related in the presence of wid

20、espread religious persecution.</p><p>　　This paper analyzes the in?uence of religiosity on subjective well-being among Chinese octogenarians, nonagenarians, and centenarians using a robust multivariate frame

21、work that controls for demographics, health and disabilities, living arrangements, wealth and income, lifestyle and social networks, and location. Given the evidence from previous studies, including evidence from countri

22、es that share religious traditions with China,we expected to ?nd a positive relationship between religious partic</p><p>　　Section 2 provides an overview of religion and religious participation in China. Sec

23、tion 3 provides a brief theoretical model. Section 4 describes the data and provides summary statistics for the main variables of interest. Section 5 discusses the empirical speci?cation and identi?cation issues. Section

24、 6 presents the empirical results. Section 7 concludes.</p><p>　　2. Review of religion and religious participation in China</p><p>　　Seen as being antithetical to Marxist, Leninist, and Mao Zedo

25、ng thought, religion in the People’s Republic of China has been subject to registration, supervision, and odious regulation since 1949. Religious persecution reached a crescendo during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976)

26、, when tens of thousands of religious leaders and adherents were beaten, sentenced to hard labor, or persecuted even more severely (FitzGerald, 1967; Harding, 1997). Religion and religious practice rebounded, however, b&

27、lt;/p><p>　　training centers for clergy, and more than 3000 distinct religious organizations. Government statistics indicate that there are more than 100 million religious adherents, yet the U.S. Department of

28、State (2006) suggests that the number is likely double the of?cial statistic.</p><p>　　Among the ?ve sanctioned religions, Buddhists make up the largest body of organized religious believers, with more than

29、100 million followers and 200,000 monks and nuns in the various sects (U.S. Department of State, 2006). These ?gures are subject to considerable debate, however, because Buddhist organizational structure is not based on

30、congregations and because many Buddhists do not participate in public ceremonies. Although the Chinese government does not publish of?cial estimates of the numb</p><p>　　Unof?cial religious activity has also

31、 seen a surge in recent years. Indeed, as many as 70 million Protestants (Kindopp, 2004) and 8 million Catholics (Madsen, 1998) worship in underground congregations that have no ties to state-sanctioned churches. These“h

32、ouse churches” (so named because they cannot own property and thus meet in congregants’ homes) seek to avoid association with the state-sanctioned churches to limit government interference in internal affairs. Falun Gong

33、, a quasi-religious med</p><p>　　While religion and religious practice has grown following the end of the Cultural Revolution, religious practitioners have not always been free to practice their faith openly

34、 as the late 1990s saw changes in government policies that undermined much of Document 19. For example, “Document 6” increased regulation and monitoring of religious groups after a series of demonstrations and a 1997 Whi

35、te Paper sanctioned punishment for religions and religious </p><p>　　believers who “endangered the normal life and the productive activities of other people” or who “endangered society and the public interes

36、t” (Potter, 2003).</p><p>　　As the Chinese government’s policies towards religion have shifted, many unregistered religious organizations have come under attack. In July 1999, for example, the Falun Gong was

37、 declared a “heretical cult,” enabling practitioners to be charged under existing law (Human Rights Watch, 1999). The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports that 35,000 members have been deta

38、ined, 5000 of whom were sent to labor camps for reeducation; several organizers were sentenced to a d</p><p>　　Members of state-sanctioned religions have not been immune from the resurgence in religious pers

39、ecution, either, despite the protection afforded by Document 19. For example, 130 Christians were arrested in Henan on 23 August 2000 for unauthorized evangelist activity (USCIRF, 2000). An article in the Tibet Daily ind

40、icated that government of?cials who participate in religious activities were subject to punishment, and included a phone number whereby informants could report them (USCIRF, 2000). In </p><p>　　1998). Severa

41、l dozen Christian churches, Buddhist temples, and Taoist shrines were demolished in the city of Wenzhou in late 2000 and early 2001. In 2002, a “patriotic reeducation” campaignassigned 8000 religious leaders to 3-week se

42、ssions on interpreting Islam in accordance with Chinese law. In several cases, mosques were demolished,Muslim adherents were arrested, and books and other religious materials were con?scated (Human Rights Watch, 2002). &

43、lt;/p><p>　　3. Results</p><p>　　The effect of religious participation on the subjectivewell-being of China’s elderly population is estimated using maximum-likelihood logistic regression as describe

44、d by Eq. (2). Table 4 presents results for the dichotomous outcome in which respondents are classi?ed as </p><p>　　being satis?ed with life if they report “good” or “very good” lives and unsatis?ed with life

45、 otherwise. Column 1 presents estimates for the parsimonious model described by Eq. (1), while columns 2 through 4 include the many controls described in Eq. (2). Odds ratios and the absolute value of heteroscedasticity-

46、robust z-statistics are reported. </p><p>　　The odds that a survey respondent who participates in relgious activities reports being satis?ed with life are between 0.878(signi?cant at the 5% level) and 0.821

47、(signi?cant at the 1% level). That is, religiously-active elders (i.e., survey respondents who ever participate in religious activities) in China are less likely to report having “good” or “very good” lives than those wh

48、o do not participate in religious activities. This effect is considerably stronger for men than for women: the odds o</p><p>　　The results also show that octogenarians have signi?cantly lower odds of life sa

49、tisfaction then centenarians (OR = 0.736), a ?nding that holds for both men and women. This result is consistent with Lelkes’s (2006) description of a U-shaped relationship between age and subjective well-being in Hungar

50、y, albeit at the under-studied upper tail of the age distribution.Men with primary schooling have lower odds of reporting high life satisfaction than men with no schooling (OR = 0.873), a result that </p><p>

51、;　　Okun and Stock (1987) ?nd that health is as important a determinant of life satisfaction among the elderly as religiosity. Indeed, numerous multivariate studies ?nd positive associations between health and well-being,

52、 including Frey and Stutzer (2002a), and Blanch?ower and Oswald (2004). The empirical literature has also found that life satisfaction is higher among </p><p>　　individuals without physical disabilities than

53、 for individuals with disabilities, particularly those with multiple disabilities (Mehnert et al., 1990). Our results support all of these ?ndings. For example, individuals with debilitating diseases have signi?cantly lo

54、wer odds of reporting satisfaction with life, especially as the number of diseases increases (e.g., relative to no debilitating diseases, the odds ratio of reporting life satisfaction for one disease is 0.886 and that fo

55、r two debilita</p><p>　　Living arrangements may also in?uence well-being (Myers, 2000). Consistent with the literature, elderly Chinese who live with spouses and/or other family members have signi?cantly hig

56、her odds of being satis?ed with life than those who live alone or in nursing homes (OR = 1.301). However, conditioning on living with family members, frequent visits by non-resident children do not signi?cantly affect su

57、bjective well-being.</p><p>　　Suf?cient income or wealth to cover all of one’s daily needs is the single most in?uential factor in life satisfaction in our analysis with odds of 4.27 relative to those who ca

58、nnot meet their basic needs (signi?cant at the 1% level). This result is consistent with ?ndings from both the U.S. (Blanch?ower and Oswald, 2004) and Europe (Di Tella et al., 2001). Being able to meet most ?nancial need

59、s (relative to being unable to do so) also leads to higher satisfaction with life, although the odds ra</p><p>　　Lifestyle and social networks also in?uence subjective well-being among China’s elderly popula

60、tion. For example, people who exercise (OR = 1.234), watch television (OR = 1.405), or play cards (OR = 1.168) report higher satisfaction with life. This ?nding likely re?ects the ability to undertake these activities as

61、 well as the importance of the activity itself. Nevertheless, each of these activities is often undertaken in social settings, suggesting that social networks also impact </p><p>　　well-being, as shown by My

62、ers (2000).By contrast, smoking lowers the odds or being satis?ed with life, even conditioning on disease (OR = 0.837). Notably, these activities are uniformly more important determinants of well-being for men than women

63、.</p><p>　　Finally, elders who live in coastal (OR = 1.177) and central provinces (OR = 1.429) have signi?cantly higher odds of being satis?ed with their lives than those living in poorer western provinces.

64、Similarly, villagers and town residents are less satis?ed than urbanites (OR = 0.768 and 0.838, respectively). These ?ndings contrast with the rural ideal discussed by Crider et al. (1991) and suggest that China’s elderl

65、y population is embracing modern lifestyles afforded by China’s fast growing urban a</p><p>　　Collapsing a 5-point scale into a dichotomous outcome to measure subjective well-being depends on an arbitrary ru

66、le, yet our results hold when responses to the question “How do you rate your life at present?” remain “very bad,” “bad,” “so–so,” “good,” and “very good.” Within the context of an ordered logistic regression, respondent

67、s who participate in religious activities continue to have lower odds of life satisfaction (OR = 0.811–0.873), signi?cant at the 1% level (Table 5). Moreover, conditio</p><p>　　Finally, Table 6 implements a

68、3-point scale for religious participation rather than a dichotomous regressor. Relative to those who participate in religious activities occasionally,men and women who never participate in religious activities have signi

69、?cantly higher odds of reporting higher satisfaction with life, with odds ratios of 1.552 and 1.180, respectively. Additionally, we ?nd a weak positive relationship between daily religious participation (relative to thos

70、e that participate occasionall</p><p>　　中國老年人的宗教信仰和主觀幸福感</p><p><b>　　1.引言</b></p><p>　　自伊斯特林(1974)所做的關于一個國家公民的主觀幸福感和總體經(jīng)濟增長之間相互影響的探索性分析，經(jīng)濟學家們已經(jīng)接受了主觀幸福感作為一種重要的經(jīng)濟結果和福利和指標對于

71、個人效用。一個著名的研究顯示，關于幸福感的總體數(shù)據(jù)可以用來了解宏觀經(jīng)濟政策。例如，迪特利亞等(2001)使用來自12個歐洲國家的數(shù)據(jù)來推斷每個國家對失業(yè)和通貨膨脹之間的平平衡的主觀偏好。埃利韋爾(2006)估計了道德、透明化管理、經(jīng)濟穩(wěn)定、和法律規(guī)章的社會價值。阿萊斯那(2005)、格魯伯和穆拉伊特丹(2002)分別對勞動力市場的規(guī)章和煙草稅收的規(guī)定進行了關于集體幸福感的評估。</p><p>　　在模塊化設計水

72、平上，經(jīng)濟學家長期以來一直認為,顯示出來的行為比個人主觀的想法更能正確的反應真實的幸福感，然而，在現(xiàn)實生活中，從可觀察地行為中來推斷幸福感的變化是常常是很困難的。雖然必須小心使用和解釋主觀的數(shù)據(jù)，雷克斯(2006) 、弗雷和司斯徒澤(2002a) 提醒人們注意主觀幸福感的測量方法應是“體驗效用”的可靠的測量方法，經(jīng)濟學家最近接受了關于幸福感的主觀數(shù)據(jù)的使用。最近關于個體層面幸福感研究中的一系列著名的實證調查研究識別了各種各樣人群關于幸福

73、感的決定因素。在美國、歐盟和81個國家大規(guī)模的調查證明了在全國社會經(jīng)濟范圍的一致意見:無論調查地點,主觀幸福感的穩(wěn)定性指標包括相對收入、健康狀況、社會網(wǎng)絡的力量、親友的和睦、近期收入的變化和婚姻狀況或社交網(wǎng)絡(弗雷和斯徒澤，2002b)。特別是依據(jù)在16個國家對170000個成年人的調查(英格爾哈特，1990)和對146個研究的薈萃分析表明男女有同樣的可能報告出高水平的幸福感和生活滿意度 (哈林等，1984)。</p>&

74、lt;p>　　因為信仰團體提供其成員社會支持并鼓勵他們在面對威脅的時要心存希望(埃里森等，1989)，因為宗教的積極性使個體傾向于更快速、更充分從離婚、失業(yè)、疾病、喪親之痛中走出來(埃里森，1991)，因為宗教可以培養(yǎng)對來世更高的期望效用(Azzi和埃爾伯格，1975年)，所以參與宗教活動可能也會影響主觀幸福感。證據(jù)上的優(yōu)勢是壓倒性的。例如,邁爾斯(2000)通過對3.5萬美國成年人進行的一項調查表明了人們參加宗教祈禱儀式的頻率和

75、主觀幸福感之間的積極關系。格魯伯(2005)發(fā)現(xiàn)，從不參加宗教活動和每周都參加宗教活動對個體的自評幸福感的影響相當于低收入和高收入對人的自評幸福感程度的影響。斯溫亞德等(2001)發(fā)現(xiàn)在新加坡宗教參與是主觀幸福感最具確定性預測因子。的確，威特等(1985)對之前的28研究進行了匯總分析發(fā)現(xiàn)，有宗教信仰和參加宗教活動的成年人的主觀幸福感在2%和6%之間變化。不過有些主觀幸福感中關于宗教和性別相互作用的爭論：雖然莫伯格(1965)提出宗教是

76、決定男性和女性幸福感的一種不太重要的因素，因為它它在人的生活中沒有發(fā)揮很重要的作用發(fā)揮，威特等(1985)發(fā)現(xiàn)沒有任何證據(jù)來支</p><p><b>　　撐這個觀點。</b></p><p>　　由于宗教作為老年人的一種“應對機制”(考克斯和哈蒙茲，1988)，也因為宗教資本可能是一生的積累(Iannoccone，1990年)，宗教參與可能成為來年人主觀幸福感中特別

77、重要的部分。再次,實證結果壓倒性的支持這個猜想。例如，布拉澤、帕莫爾 (1976)和蓋伊(1982)使用縱向數(shù)據(jù)證明宗教在自評幸福感增加壽命中的重要性。在日本，老年群體參加宗教活動會產生更高的主觀幸福感(克勞斯，2003)。事實上，奧肯和斯托克 (1987)在他們關于健康老齡化的匯總分析中得出的結論：宗教是影響主觀幸福感最重要的兩個積極因素之一（另一個因素是健康）。然而很多研究報告積極關系，不過至少兩例關于宗教信仰對主觀幸福感的負面影響

78、同事也被描述過。首先吉和韋弗斯(1990)使用6500個加拿大人的數(shù)據(jù)來證明宗教參與和生活滿意度之間的正相關。在不列顛哥倫比亞成年人中，然而48.7%的宗教的“非附屬”被調查者報告對生活“非常滿意”，而“積極的附屬關系”的被調查者報告這樣高水平的滿意度的僅占38.3%。其次，威利茨和克賴德(1988)發(fā)現(xiàn)在中年賓夕法尼亞州人中，虔誠的宗教信仰與總體生活滿意度有正相關。然而，在男性中，出</p><p>　　文章使

79、用能控制人口、健康和殘疾,生活安排，財富和收入、生活方式、社交網(wǎng)絡和地理位置的穩(wěn)定多變量的框架，分析了中國八九十歲，九十多歲，和一百歲及以上的老人的宗教信仰對其主觀幸福感的影響。以往的研究給出的證據(jù)包括和中國交流宗教傳統(tǒng)的國家，我們期望能發(fā)現(xiàn)宗教參與和生活滿意度之間的正相關。然而，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了穩(wěn)定的的負相關關系。此外，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)宗教參與對男性的幸福感比對女性的幸福感有著更深的影響。據(jù)我們所知，這是第一個采用大樣本并控制大量相關聯(lián)的宗教信仰來

80、揭示這種關系的研究。我們把這一發(fā)現(xiàn)解釋為宗教迫害的間接證據(jù)，盡管我們不能直接測試迫害。</p><p>　　第二章概述了中國的宗教和宗教參與。第三章提供了一個簡單的理論模型。第四章描述了數(shù)據(jù)并為興趣的主要變量提供了總結性統(tǒng)計。第五章論述了實證規(guī)范和識別問題。第六章提出實證結果。第七章得出結論。</p><p>　　2、回顧中國宗教和宗教參與</p><p>　　被認

81、為和馬克思主義,列寧主義,毛澤東思想對立的宗教，自1949年以來在中華人民共和國境內已經(jīng)履行了登記手續(xù),監(jiān)理實行了可惡的規(guī)定。宗教迫害在文化大革命期間(1966-1976)是達到了巔峰,當時成百上千的宗教領袖和追隨者被毒打,判處做苦力,甚至遭受更嚴重的迫害(菲茨杰拉德1967；哈丁，1997)。宗教和宗教活動重新被接受,然而,</p><p>　　值得一提的是1982年的“文檔19”中保證政府會尊重和保護批準的五

82、個宗教信仰——佛教、道教、伊斯蘭教、天主教和基督教——履行登記手(波特，2003)。根據(jù)政府2005年4月的白皮書,中國已擁有超過85000個禮拜場所和其他宗教活動場所,30萬神職人員,74個培訓神職人員的獨立的中心，并擁有超過3000獨特的宗教組織。政府的統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)顯示已有超過100萬的宗教信徒,然而美國國務院(2006)表明,這個數(shù)字和可能是官方統(tǒng)計數(shù)字的兩倍。</p><p>　　在五個認可的宗教,佛教徒在有

83、組織的宗教信徒中所占比例最大,有超過100萬的追隨者,在各教派有20萬的和尚和尼姑(美國國家部門,2006)。這些數(shù)據(jù)受到相當大的爭論,然而,由于佛教組織結構不是在集會的基礎上建立,許多佛教徒也不參加公開儀式。雖然中國政府并沒有公布的官方估計的道教的數(shù)量，奧邱葛羅素(1996)報道,大約6%的人參加流行的道教活動,包括內在煉金術、風水、tao-yin、占卜。學者估計虔誠的道教徒有幾十萬,包括25000位修道士和修女(美國國家部門，200

84、6)。中國也有10個主要的穆斯林族群，大約有2000萬成員(國家部門，2006)。在我國西北部地區(qū)最密集的地方有超過40000伊斯蘭教場所。盡管官員們從中國基督教三次自主的愛國運動,國家批準的新教教堂,估計至少20萬中國人屬于教會會員(美國國家部門，2006)，但依據(jù)政府的統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)，中國的基督教團體包含16萬新教徒。更進一步說，有450萬中國天主教徒屬于國家熱可的天主教愛國會成員(馬德森，1998)。我們已經(jīng)看到在近幾年非官方的宗教活動

85、也大幅飆升。的確，多達7千萬的新教徒(Kindopp，2004年)和800萬天主教徒(馬德森</p><p>　　盡管隨著文革結束宗教和宗教活動逐漸發(fā)展,宗教從業(yè)者不能總是自由公開地表示他們的信仰，直到20世紀90年代末期可以看到政府政策改變了19號文件中的很多條款。例如,在一系列的示威游行之后“文件6”增加了規(guī)定，1997年的白皮書發(fā)布了對危害正常生活和他人生產活動或危害社會和公眾利益的宗教信徒的處罰條例(波特

86、，2003)。</p><p>　　隨著中國政府對宗教的政策已經(jīng)改變,許多未注冊的宗教組織已受到攻擊。例如，1999年7月,法輪功被宣布為“異端邪教”，使練習者被指控違反了現(xiàn)行的法律(人權觀察協(xié)會,1999)。美國國際宗教自由委員會報道說已有35000名成員被拘留,其中5000人被送到勞改營進行再教育;一些組織者被判處十年甚至更長時間的有期徒刑，而至少27個成員死在拘留所中(國際宗教自由委員會，2000)。同樣，

87、1999年到2000年600個鐘貢組織者被拘留，3000個與該組織有關的集團公司都被關閉。同時,政府加強活動來約束基督教教會</p><p>　　參加中國基督教三次自主愛國運動和中國天主教愛國會。人權觀察協(xié)會(1999)和國際宗教自由委員會(2000)報告在在河北、山西和浙江的房子教堂里發(fā)生的拘禁、失蹤、罰款、拘留、騷擾練習者的事件。</p><p>　　國家批準的宗教組織的成員也不能從宗

88、教迫害免于中免于死灰復燃,盡管文件19提供了保護條例。例如2000年8月23日，130名基督徒因參與未經(jīng)授權的傳道活動在河南被逮捕(國際宗教自由委員會，2000年)?！段鞑厝請蟆飞峡堑囊黄恼卤砻鳎賳T參加宗教活動會受到懲罰，包括憑借一個電話號碼檢舉人就可以報告他們(國際宗教自由委員會，2000年)。1998年5月，政府官員在湖南禁止建設廟宇和戶外展示佛像(人權觀察協(xié)會1998年)。幾十個基督教堂、寺廟和道教圣地在2000年末和2

89、001年初被毀于溫州市。在2002年，一個“愛國主義再教育”運動指定8000個宗教領袖依照中國的法律進行了三周關于解釋伊斯蘭教的講習會。在一些情況下，清真寺被拆除，穆斯林信徒被捕,相關的書籍和其他宗教的材料被沒收(人權觀察協(xié)會，2002年)。</p><p><b>　　3.結果</b></p><p>　　通過使用最大可能性回歸分析如方程（2）的描述，可以看到宗教參

90、與對中國老年人群體主觀幸福感存在影響。表4展示了結果為二分法結果，二分法將被試分為對生活滿意度報告“好”或“非常好”為一類，否則就是對生活不滿意的另一類。第一欄呈現(xiàn)了方程(1)描述的簡潔模型的估計結果,而2到4欄包括許多方程(2)中描述的控制變量。勝算比和穩(wěn)健的異性方差標準分統(tǒng)計的絕對值被報告出。</p><p>　　一項關于參與宗教活動的受訪者的可能性的調查指出，受訪者對生活的滿意度在0.878（在5%顯著水平

91、）到0.821（在1%顯著水平）之間。也就是說，中國宗教參與的老年人（即，被調查者曾經(jīng)參加宗教活動的）比那些不參加宗教活動的更不太可能報告有“好”或“非常好”的生活。這種影響男性比女性強很多：參與宗教活動的男性報告生活滿意的可能性只有0.691（顯著性水平在1%時）而參與宗教活動的女性報告生活滿意的可能性與那些宗教參與不活躍的女性沒有統(tǒng)計上的差異。這些結果和許多發(fā)現(xiàn)宗教信仰和主觀幸福感之間的存在一種正相關的研究相矛盾，例如，英格爾哈特(

92、1990)，威特等(1985)，梅耶(2000)，斯溫亞德等 (2001)，克勞斯(2003)，Soydemir等(2004)，格魯伯(2005)和雷克斯(2006)。宗教對男性的滿意度的影響比對女性有更為顯著存在進一步的矛盾，莫伯格(1965)的假設認為宗教對男性和女性的幸福感而言是一種不太重要的決定因素，威特等(1985)的發(fā)現(xiàn)表明宗教信仰對幸福感的影響并不隨性。</p><p>　　結果還表明八十到九十歲老

93、人的生活滿意度比百歲老人有著顯著的較低的差別(OR = 0.736)，這一發(fā)現(xiàn)包含男性和女性。這一結果與雷克斯(2006)在關于匈牙利年齡和主觀幸</p><p>　　福感的U形關系的描述是一致的，雖然在研究中處于年齡分布的頂端。小學學歷的男性與沒有上學的男性相比，在報告高的生活滿意度上沒有太大差異(OR = 0.873)，而Oreopoulos (2003)發(fā)現(xiàn)學校教育年限和生活滿意度之間存在正相關這一結果也許

94、是令人意外的。在任何情況下，進行初等教育以上的男性不太可能報告快樂，而女性的受教育水平和其主觀幸福感之間沒有明顯的關系。</p><p>　　奧肯和斯托克(1987)發(fā)現(xiàn)健康和宗教信仰一樣在老年人的生活滿意度中是非常重要的一個決定因素。的確，眾多的多元研究發(fā)現(xiàn)了健康和幸福之間的正向關系，包括弗雷、司徒澤(2002a)、布蘭奇福勞和奧斯瓦德(2004)的研究。從實證文獻中還發(fā)現(xiàn)，沒有身體殘疾的人殘疾人士，特別是那些

95、多重殘的人有更高水平的滿意度(Mehnert等，1990)。我們的研究結果支持這一結論。例如，有身體衰弱的疾病的個體報告顯著較低水平的生活滿意度，特別是隨著疾病數(shù)量的增加（例如，相當一沒有身體衰弱疾病的人，只有一種疾病的人報告生活滿意比值是0.886，有兩種衰弱疾病的人是0.645）。對日常生活的活動的限制會降低報告生活滿意的可能性，盡管這些影響只是兩個或更多的限制因素在統(tǒng)計上的顯著性(OR = 0.874)，建議至少部分適用于殘疾人。

96、最后，更高認知健康的被調查者（通過測量能夠比較正確地回憶起三個命名對象）有顯著更高報告生活滿意的幾率(OR = 1.343)。最后，以較高的認知健康調查的受訪者(通過測量能夠比較正確地回憶起三個命名對象)有顯著高于報告的生活滿意程度的幾率(OR = 1.343)。</p><p>　　生活安排也可能會影響幸福感(邁爾斯，2000年)。與文獻相一致，與配偶和/或其他家庭成員住在一起的中國老年人比那些獨自生活或在養(yǎng)老

97、院生活的老年人在對生活的滿意度上有顯著的差異 (OR = 1.301)。然而，僅僅和家庭成員一起生活，兒童頻繁的拜訪并沒有明顯的影響主觀幸福感。</p><p>　　足夠的收入和財富以支付自己的日常需要是生活滿意度中的一個最有影響力的因素，在我們的分析中相對于那些不能滿足他們基本需求的人而言存在4.27的差異（在1%飛顯著水平）。這一結果與來自美國（布蘭弗羅和奧斯瓦爾德，2004年）和歐洲（迪特利亞等，2001）

98、的研究結果一致。能夠滿足大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟需求（相對于無法做到的）也會導致較高的生活滿意度，雖然與能夠滿足個人需要的這個比值的相當?shù)男?OR = 1.413)。偶爾或每天吃肉或魚的同樣會提高對生活滿意的可能性(OR = 1.313–1.896)。有足夠的資源來滿足自家的需求，有個人收入來源，如養(yǎng)老金會對幸福感有一定程度的影響，特別是對女性(OR = 0.738)；這些女性可能會感到不太接近自己的孩子，因為她們外出工作或者因為她們更加的獨立，雖然